I was washing my (pubic) hair that night.
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Politics, politics, politics (so long and thanks for all the fish)
- Thread starter SpurMeUp
- Start date
May have fooled a lot of people that though in fairness.
Rorschach
Sonny Walters
Same policy as the UK government it would seem.
Danishfurniturelover
the prettiest spice girl
I must have missed it but where was the letter he sent to the paper 3 years ago stating he was in favour of leaving the EU. We have been told by remoaners non stop about fact checking, and after watching the Christopher Jerrfies and McCann docs on netflix this week it would seem papers do print a lot of rubbish. Surely to take him seriously we need to know he was in favour of brexit in the past.
Danishfurniturelover
the prettiest spice girl
The remoaners and liberal luvie snowflakes have always wanted to delay the process and frustrate it as much as possible so they could eventually stop it. At the beginning when the was talk of Boris going for leader they said he was just a career opportunist and should do the decent thing and keep quiet to let May negotiate a withdrawal.
When he and others did that allowing the remain supporting May to do the negotiations, it was clear it was not leaving the EU that the majority in this country voted for. Now the remoaners blame people that want brexit again but every step of the way and I know for a cast iron fact that civil servants are among them they have tried everything to stop the process and as I have said for a while have succeeded.
They are going to have to expect the right to get more organised, and I am sure they will. Sadly I think history shows we are now going to go to the even further right as a backlash against the self indulgent liberal luvies who have nothing but contempt for the average joe in this country. What is coming should be in their heads.
Danishfurniturelover
the prettiest spice girl
The was a great interview I came across from David Starkey the noted historian. Was put on facebook but will show the links.
All is not well with Britain or our politics, I said. ‘Is it silly to think there is a touch of 1215 – a whiff of revolution – in the air?
And it came true in June 2016, with the decisive referendum vote to reshape our politics once again and leave the European Union.
The referendum was a very British revolution. And it’s been followed by a very British counter-revolution, which shows every sign of succeeding.
Don't be deceived by the lack of violence or the comparative good manners of those now seizing control. This is a coup, and what is at stake is the nature and legitimacy of Parliament itself.
Ruled by comfortable, smug elites, Parliament is choosing to ignore the ordinary British people as they attempt to hold power to account.
It is no exaggeration to say that British democracy, which stands in direct line with Magna Carta, is now unravelling before us.
If today’s self-satisfied MPs and Ministers – I have already described them as a Parliament of Pygmies – have no time for the voters, they have little time for history, either.
They seem to have forgotten that the original power of our Parliament lay in its claim to represent everybody and not just a few privileged groups, as in continental Europe. (Take for example the Estates General in France or the Cortes Generales in Spain, two early parliaments which promptly died out in the 17th Century.)
They should remember, too, that our Parliament owed its survival to its willingness, with more or less of a struggle, to adapt and remain representative. As time went by, Parliament broadened out to include newly powerful social groups as they appeared.
First came the Reform Act of 1832 which gave the vote to the newly prosperous middle class. This ushered in several decades of dominance by the Liberal Party, which was only broken by the genius of Benjamin Disraeli.
Disraeli, who is the founder of the modern Conservative Party, recognised Conservatism’s natural affinity with ‘the radical masses’.
Disraeli’s intuition was vindicated with the second Reform Act in 1867, the next major parliamentary change, which enfranchised the skilled working man and began the process that turned the Tories into the natural party of government.
Then came the Labour Party, a grand coalition between trade-unionised workers and the middle-class intelligentsia.
And it was the tit-for-tat of Conservative and Labour – two national parties, which between them represented more or less every shade of opinion in the country – that guaranteed the stability of British politics through all the convulsions of the 20th Century.
They kept us free from revolution and prevented the rise of extremist parties, whether of the Left or Right. Until now.
The new Industrial Revolution –the global movement of capital and the rise of technology – is partly to blame. It has cut away at the base of both main political parties.
First to fall was Labour, as the death of mass-production industry and a mass trade union movement left it a hollowed-out shell. As such, it was ripe for the Blairite coup as a tiny, unrepresentative faction took over a once-mighty movement.
The Blairites were contemptuous of the people they supposedly represented and, in particular, of their party membership, who were ritually humiliated by the abolition of Clause Four of the Labour Party’s constitution.
The Blairites were equally disparaging of history, traditional institutions and the nation itself. They believed in free markets, free love and unlimited immigration and they exhibited an ugly combination of self-righteousness and intolerance.
They were, pretty much to a man and a woman, on the make. And they loved, loved the EU. Finally they tried, and with a large measure of success, to forge a new governing class in their own image.
Where Blair led, David Cameron and his government were eager followers and disciples. Supposedly Conservatives, they hailed Blair as ‘The Master’ and gobbled up his memoirs as a model of how their own government should run.
They inflicted a Clause Four moment on their own Party membership by gratuitously imposing gay marriage.
Above all, Tory modernisation– which can be summarised most neatly as an attempt to make the Tories the party of choice for readers of The Guardian – turned the Conservative Party into a pale imitation of New Labour and rendered its MPs indistinguishable from their supposed opponents on the other side of the House.
The result is that, between them, Blair and Cameron contrived to turn two broad-church, national parties that commanded the allegiance of millions into a pair of narrow, elitist factions.
The true extent of that change had been masked by voters’ tribal loyalty and our first-past-the-post system, which delivers clear, decisive results in General Elections.
But the EU referendum tore apart the veil: it was now the People versus the Parliament.
The People voted 52 to 48 per cent to leave; an estimated 74 per cent of MPs voted to remain.
No representative assembly can sustain such a gulf. Either People or Parliament must give way.
And so it has proved as, in its profound lack of wisdom and in its disregard for the central thread of its own history, Parliament has decided it is the People who should change. Or, rather, be changed.
This is not the first time such a thing has happened. Before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Communist states were ruled by similarly pampered, out-of-touch and privileged elites who, against all the evidence, claimed to represent the People.
All is not well with Britain or our politics, I said. ‘Is it silly to think there is a touch of 1215 – a whiff of revolution – in the air?
And it came true in June 2016, with the decisive referendum vote to reshape our politics once again and leave the European Union.
The referendum was a very British revolution. And it’s been followed by a very British counter-revolution, which shows every sign of succeeding.
Don't be deceived by the lack of violence or the comparative good manners of those now seizing control. This is a coup, and what is at stake is the nature and legitimacy of Parliament itself.
Ruled by comfortable, smug elites, Parliament is choosing to ignore the ordinary British people as they attempt to hold power to account.
It is no exaggeration to say that British democracy, which stands in direct line with Magna Carta, is now unravelling before us.
If today’s self-satisfied MPs and Ministers – I have already described them as a Parliament of Pygmies – have no time for the voters, they have little time for history, either.
They seem to have forgotten that the original power of our Parliament lay in its claim to represent everybody and not just a few privileged groups, as in continental Europe. (Take for example the Estates General in France or the Cortes Generales in Spain, two early parliaments which promptly died out in the 17th Century.)
They should remember, too, that our Parliament owed its survival to its willingness, with more or less of a struggle, to adapt and remain representative. As time went by, Parliament broadened out to include newly powerful social groups as they appeared.
First came the Reform Act of 1832 which gave the vote to the newly prosperous middle class. This ushered in several decades of dominance by the Liberal Party, which was only broken by the genius of Benjamin Disraeli.
Disraeli, who is the founder of the modern Conservative Party, recognised Conservatism’s natural affinity with ‘the radical masses’.
Disraeli’s intuition was vindicated with the second Reform Act in 1867, the next major parliamentary change, which enfranchised the skilled working man and began the process that turned the Tories into the natural party of government.
Then came the Labour Party, a grand coalition between trade-unionised workers and the middle-class intelligentsia.
And it was the tit-for-tat of Conservative and Labour – two national parties, which between them represented more or less every shade of opinion in the country – that guaranteed the stability of British politics through all the convulsions of the 20th Century.
They kept us free from revolution and prevented the rise of extremist parties, whether of the Left or Right. Until now.
The new Industrial Revolution –the global movement of capital and the rise of technology – is partly to blame. It has cut away at the base of both main political parties.
First to fall was Labour, as the death of mass-production industry and a mass trade union movement left it a hollowed-out shell. As such, it was ripe for the Blairite coup as a tiny, unrepresentative faction took over a once-mighty movement.
The Blairites were contemptuous of the people they supposedly represented and, in particular, of their party membership, who were ritually humiliated by the abolition of Clause Four of the Labour Party’s constitution.
The Blairites were equally disparaging of history, traditional institutions and the nation itself. They believed in free markets, free love and unlimited immigration and they exhibited an ugly combination of self-righteousness and intolerance.
They were, pretty much to a man and a woman, on the make. And they loved, loved the EU. Finally they tried, and with a large measure of success, to forge a new governing class in their own image.
Where Blair led, David Cameron and his government were eager followers and disciples. Supposedly Conservatives, they hailed Blair as ‘The Master’ and gobbled up his memoirs as a model of how their own government should run.
They inflicted a Clause Four moment on their own Party membership by gratuitously imposing gay marriage.
Above all, Tory modernisation– which can be summarised most neatly as an attempt to make the Tories the party of choice for readers of The Guardian – turned the Conservative Party into a pale imitation of New Labour and rendered its MPs indistinguishable from their supposed opponents on the other side of the House.
The result is that, between them, Blair and Cameron contrived to turn two broad-church, national parties that commanded the allegiance of millions into a pair of narrow, elitist factions.
The true extent of that change had been masked by voters’ tribal loyalty and our first-past-the-post system, which delivers clear, decisive results in General Elections.
But the EU referendum tore apart the veil: it was now the People versus the Parliament.
The People voted 52 to 48 per cent to leave; an estimated 74 per cent of MPs voted to remain.
No representative assembly can sustain such a gulf. Either People or Parliament must give way.
And so it has proved as, in its profound lack of wisdom and in its disregard for the central thread of its own history, Parliament has decided it is the People who should change. Or, rather, be changed.
This is not the first time such a thing has happened. Before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Communist states were ruled by similarly pampered, out-of-touch and privileged elites who, against all the evidence, claimed to represent the People.
Rorschach
Sonny Walters
Boris is a career oppourtunist, nothing more. Did you honestly want him negotiating Brexit with the EU? Seriously?
SpurMeUp
Jimmy Cantrell
This starts off like it’s a historical analysis, then simply turns into an old man having a good ol bitch about new labour and David Cameron. And then this above. The guy is a homophobe but you think he’s “great”?
There is nothing about what Brexit offers just criticism of others which is a theme of leave. It doesn’t stand for anything in the positive, just what it does not like.
Sitting on my porcelain throne using glory-glory.co.uk mobile app
StephenH
David Ginola
He would have turned it in a video blog on the The Telegraph website.
nayimfromthehalfwayline
Andy Thompson
Exit strategy confirmed, she is doing a Cameron then...
nayimfromthehalfwayline
Andy Thompson
nayimfromthehalfwayline
Andy Thompson
https://video.consilium.europa.eu/en/webcast/675f39ea-3b14-4e8a-8b1f-75c333acfb94
Tusk statement on Brexit now
Tusk statement on Brexit now
Baleforce
Ron Henry
does nuclear mean something else in the EU, prudent, sensible, smart?
nayimfromthehalfwayline
Andy Thompson
Received letter, spoke to May just now, short extension possible but conditional on a positive vote on Mays deal.
Approval of Strasbourg agreement possible. Especially if it helps with ratification [of deal?] in the UK.
Shouldnt be a problem to extend so long as the deal goes ahead.
Off he goes, no mention of "or else" etc
Approval of Strasbourg agreement possible. Especially if it helps with ratification [of deal?] in the UK.
Shouldnt be a problem to extend so long as the deal goes ahead.
Off he goes, no mention of "or else" etc
It’s clearly made up.
But I don’t care.
I just love the amount of tinkle getting boiled on both sides. Great comedy.
